That is why military spending should be driven by a strategy to meet future threats, rather than an arbitrary number invented for political posturing or an attempt to fight the wars of past.
Drive military spending by a strategy focused on future threats instead of arbitrary spending targets or outdated weapons systems.
Occurrences
Evidence
The Senate agreed to the motion on H.R. 1314 by 64-35; Booker (D-NJ) voted Yea.
The Act set revised FY2016 security budget authority at $548.091 billion and FY2017 at $551.068 billion, plus OCO/GWOT amounts for budget function 050.
On S. 1356, the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016, the motion was agreed to 91-3; Booker (D-NJ) voted Yea.
Public Law 114-92 authorized FY2016 appropriations for military activities, military construction, and Department of Energy defense activities.
OMB objected that the bill used OCO to circumvent caps and would require DOD to retain unnecessary force structure and weapons systems.
On the motion to concur in the House amendment to S. 1605, the Senate agreed 88-11; Booker (D-NJ) voted Nay.
The FY2022 NDAA included emerging-technology provisions, but also listed a prohibition on use of funds for retirement of A-10 aircraft.
Assessments
Booker took same-term Senate action related to military spending by voting for the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2015 and the FY2016 NDAA after winning the 2014 federal Senate race. Those measures adjusted defense funding and authorized military spending, but the record does not show that military spending was broadly redirected according to a future-threat strategy or away from arbitrary targets and outdated weapons systems. Contemporary objections that the FY2016 process used OCO workarounds and retained unnecessary weapons systems, plus later NDAA provisions protecting legacy systems such as the A-10, undercut full delivery. This supports partial fulfillment with candidate effort, not full delivery.